Business Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 2

Business - Research Paper Example Nevertheless, the company should maintain its hiring policy in relation to child labor regardless of the environment the business is operating in. In every entity, the extent to which a business can make profits is limited by the ethical framework in which the business is operating in. Ethical concerns override the selfish ambitions of the company to make profits. When a company accepts to employ children in foreign countries against its policies portrays a bad image for the company. It shows the company is only focused on making profits without considering other issues that are of greater concern. Companies with high ethical standards have always excelled because ethics is non-current asset to the business. For instance, Ford Motors was named the most ethical company of the year in 2010 (Ramsey, 2011). An analysis of financial performance of Ford Motors shows that it is excellent. From a pretax profit of $6.6 billion in 2010 to a pretax profit of $8.8 billion in 2011, it shows the company’s financial performance is growing steadily (Ramsey, 2011). This is interesting comparing how the company was struggling during the previous three years from 2010. The good financial performance is attributed to good public image. If a company compromises and chooses to endorse child employment, it will only help to taint its long-term image. Therefore, any company with long-term goals to prosper should not gamble with this issue. In addition, there are so many complexities that are leading many MNCs into child labor. One of the main reasons over time has been the level of competition. Stiff competition is driving many corporations to adopt unprofessional means of dealing with competition. One of these means is the direct cutting of operational costs of these companies. Corporations looking for lower operational costs are opting for child labor as a means of cutting down on costs (Pimpa, 2011). This is a bad approach by companies. Whenever companies adopt direct

The role of using first language (L1) and translation in young Essay - 2

The role of using first language (L1) and translation in young learners’ classes - Essay Example ys: firstly, by means of a small-scale survey of EFL teachers, using a questionnaire; secondly, through on-line interviews with three former teachers; and, finally, by means of classroom observations in three classes. The data was analyzed using both quantitative and qualitative methods. The teachers expressed a range of views, reflecting the diverse views in the research literature. However, most of the participants responding to the questionnaire indicated that they felt that English should be the main language of the classroom. At the same time, these participants and all others (the former teachers and the teachers in the classes observed) acknowledged that occasional use of Arabic (or, where relevant, other first languages), for particular purposes was appropriate. The purposes they cited were: explaining particular vocabulary items or phrases; clarifying classroom procedures (e.g. for particular tasks or activities); giving instructions and making sure that the instructions wer e understood; and, maintaining classroom discipline. These views appear to be guiding classroom practice in the three classes that I observed. The teachers were using the students’ first languages for these purposes. In my concluding chapter, I recommend that, in initial teacher education in Oman, more attention should be given to these communicative functions of translation and first language use, while emphasising the importance of using as much English as possible in EFL teaching in the early years. The most appropriate way to teach English as a Second Language (ESL) or English as a Foreign Language (EFL) is a source of primary scholarly debate. Recently, more attention has been given to the use of translation and the native language (L1) in communicative English Language Teaching (ELT). Most of the theories inform us that young childrens language development is influenced by many factors, including using their first language to explain concepts and express abstract reasoning.

The Rational Decision Making Essay

The Rational Decision Making Essay Rational decision making, along with the thinking process that it involves, is a subject that has been vastly researched, both theoretically and empirically, and many different opinions have been, therefore, stated, since decision making is perhaps the most crucial part of human behaviour. As a result, a variety of social scientists have, at some point of their activity, occupied themselves with it and especially with its assumptions and their consequences. This essay will attempt to answer the question of what is a rational decision, by contrasting the classical to the behavioural approach of rational decision making, along with the perfect and the bounded rationality assumptions that accompany them, as well as the conditions under which they hold true. It will also, through this process, try to show that the classical approach lacks realism that would promote its widespread applicability and will further elaborate on the more realistic concept of bounded rationality. Moreover, a key part of the behavioural decision making, the heuristics process, will be presented and will serve as a bridge to the second part of the essay, which will analyse biases, the, perhaps, most important category of barriers to rational choice in organisations. Lastly, ways of overcoming those biases debiasing techniques will be demonstrated. But first, in order to decompose the essay question, two definitions will be given regarding the rational thinking and the decision making procedure. According to Baron, rational thinking is the desirable kind of thinking that each of us would want to do, if we knew our best interests, in order for our goals to be achieved in the best possible way, the ultimate of which is utility maximisation (2000, p.5). Furthermore, we are involved in a decision making process, when we choose an action of what to do or not so as to achieve a goal, after having judged a particular situation and evaluated the different possible outcomes (Baron, 2000, pp.6-8). This judgement can be spontaneous or thorough, it can be perfect or satisfactory, depending on the different theories and their elements that will be described in the main body of this essay that follows. Rational reasoning and decision-making: The two theories A rational decision is one taken under the conditions of either perfect or bounded rationality, depending on which of the two completely opposed theories is taken into consideration in order to explain our behaviour. Although these two theories are totally contradictory, a general model of rational behaviour which fits both of them was described by Simon. More specifically, he wrote that every rational behaviour incorporates some common elements such as that the decision maker will analyse only a subset of numerous decision alternatives, out of which process, possible choice outcomes will occur. Then, according to an exact pay-off function, in the classical theory, or approximate, in the behavioural one, value or utility is allocated by the decision maker to each of the possible outcomes, and the one with the higher value is finally chosen (1955, p.102). However, the two theories assume very different things and entail alterative consequences in their effort to account for a rational decision. The classical, also referred to as normative, the one that assumes perfect rationality and utility maximisation in all decisions, derives from the traditional economic theory and portrays an economic man, who, while allocating scarce resources, is also rational. He is aware of all the relevant aspects of his complex and immense environment, his system of preferences is stable and well-organised and he is so skillful in computation, that he can calculate by himself the produced utility of all the possible actions that can occur as a result of his decision and eventually, choose the one with the highest (Simon, 1955, p.99; Simon, 1979, p.493). In addition, it is possible for us to, correctly or not, predict human behaviour without actually observing it. We are able to do that, because of the way that the environment, in which this whole process t akes place, is shaped (Simon, 1979, p.496). On the other hand, the behavioural theory of rational decision-making, that originates from the theory of institutionalism the transformation of the economic theory in order to include the tied to market transactions, legal structures and is based on the concept of bounded rationality, is not as simple and brief and does not make as strong and absolute assumptions about the human cognitive system as the classical theory does. The knowledge and computational skills that the human agents possess are realistic and much weaker than the same that are taken for granted in the previous outlined theory of utility maximisation. People, in this theory, are not expected to equate costs and return at the margin, as Simon puts it. Instead, the idea of satisficing is introcuded, where humans, far from optimising, try to achieve, through their rational, but less competent than in the classical theory, reasoning, an acceptable, in terms of the gained utility, threshold. To put it plainly, lacking knowledge of relevant outcomes probabilities and of external environments state, non accurate evaluation of all possible outcomes and weak human memory are key factors for the bounded rationality theme (1979, pp.495-496, 499). Elaborating a bit further on the concept of deciding under the bounded rationality context, two are the main mechanisms that are needed in order for a decision to be made: the idea of search and that of satisficing. The decision maker must search for the alternatives for choice, if they are not given to him initially, so a theory of search needs to be included in the bounded rationality model. Moreover, because the computational skills that people possess are limited and utility of all different possible choices can not be measured precisely, they have developed a minimum satisfaction level that they want to achieve with their outcomes value, terminating their search and choosing that particular decision. Another feature of this approach is that the predictions it makes, can be easily tested through observation and empirical phenomena (Simon, 1979, pp. 495, 502-503). In an attempt to show that the behavioural theory of rational decision making is superior to the classical one, two important flaws of the latter will be briefly presented and a general, relevant to both approaches, conclusion will be drawn. A major flaw, that originates from the unrealistic notion of the classical theory, is that agents decisions are made in a context in which all relevant, present details, future expectations and risks are incorporated, according to Kahneman, an assumption which rarely holds true (2003, p.706). Secondly, the, perhaps, most important pylon for the classical theory, utility maximisation, is severely challenged, since there is no existence of evidence that this is actually happening (Simon, 1979, pp.496-497). Connected to the previous fact is the economic model that indicates negative sloping demand curves which, according to Becker, do not necessarily portray rational behaviour that aims to utility maximisation, because there is evidence that people who use other irrational decision rules, find themselves in the exact same position (1962, pp.4-5). Conclusively, regarding the two presented theories, although in relatively simple and stable decision situations where uncertainty is not present, people seek and achieve maximisation of their personal expected utility function, there are serious deviations from this procedure, when, even slightly, complicated features are introduced in the decision process. The decision attempts in the latter context are explained by the behavioural theoretic model, in which the issue of bouned rationality plays a central role. This theory explains the wide variety of empirical observations that do not abide by the classical models assumptions (Simon, 1955, pp.103-104; Simon, 1979, pp. 497, 505-506). Heuristics and their twofold connection to decision-making A subject of major importance that is closely linked to the behavioural or descriptive theory of decision-making, is the heuristic technique. Heuristics have been adopted by people as responses to complex and uncertain decision-making situations and are mental shortcuts, sometimes unconscious, that help them reason in a continuous way (Hammond et al., 1998, p.47; Tversky and Kahneman, 1974, p.1124). They are generally part of humans problem-solving process and include very selective search through problem spaces that are often immense, as Simon explains. As soon as a satisfactory enough outcome is produced, the search ends and this decision is taken, as explained in the analysis of the behavioural theory above (1979, p.507). Heuristics are widely used for the reason that they regularly accomplish the goal(s) they were summoned for, making them the, probably, most reliable and with strong properties medium towards a rational decision (Simon, 1965, p.183). One of the most common heuris tic methods is representativeness, through which, probabilities of events are calculated in respect to how resemblant of an event is another. If the resemblance is high, then the probability that one of the events derives from the other is also high. Another way to attribute probabilities and frequencies to events, is through the availability or accessibility heuristic, which indicates that elements of large categories are more easily retrieved from our memory and therefore higher probabilities are assigned to them. Lastly, the anchoring and adjustment heuristic indicates that people begin their syllogism from a familiar starting point and, usually, their final decision lies not so far from it, being only mildly adjusted (Tversky and Kahneman, 1974, pp. 1124, 1127-1128; Hammond et al., 1998, p. 48). However, the second dimension that connects heuristics to decision-making is that, through them, barriers to rational choice, may be created. The, perhaps, most important category of suc h barriers, namely biases, will be presented in the following second part of the essay and potential ways of overcoming them will be demonstrated. Biases and ways to overcome them Because of the essays length limit, the sole barriers to rational decision-making that will be analysed are biases and will be featured along with some techniques that can soften their impact. Generally, the range of biases is really wide but there are some common causes that are responsible for most of them. Stimuli in judgement and evaluation are not translated in a linear mode, creating distortion in the reasoning process, is one of the causes. A second one, is the unconscious automatisation of humans cognitive action when they are trying to recall information from their memories and their choice between a narrow information base and finally the use of inferior strategies, due to lack in superior ones, is a third (Larrick, 2004, pp.319-320). The anchoring heuristic that was mentioned in the previous section of the essay can lead to biases that influence rational decisions. This happens because our thoughts and judgements are anchored by the first impression that we have on a situation and we rarely consider new perspectives to the situation, a fact that might lead to incorrect conclusions. Nevertheless, there are ways of overcoming this bias, such as being open-minded and viewing and adopting the cognitive strategy of considering the opposite, which alters the starting point of our reasoning (Hammond et al., 1998, p. 48; Larrick, 2004, p.323). In addition, a very common bias which severely influences rational choice in organisations is when decision makers tend to choose alternatives that do not affect much the status quo. This happens often because people rarely want to hold responsibility for an action that can lead to criticism from colleagues and prefer the safer course of doing nothing, that poses a less psychological risk to them. It is also the case, that when there are many alternatives to a decision, because more effort is required in order to analyse all of them, people usually stick to the status quo. A way of overcoming this particular bias, which can have general applicability as well, is through the adoption of the motivational strategy of accountability. This technique indicates that people should, at all times, be held responsible for their actions, or in the case of the status quo bias, the non-actions, and they will have to explain the logic behind their decision. As a result, they begin to consider alter native possible decisions and, what is important, they take into account that the attractiveness of the status quo can change over time, thereby learning to evaluate decisions not only in terms of the present but of the future as well (Hammond et al., 1998, pp. 48-50; Larrick, 2004, pp. 322-323). Lastly, a bias that strongly influences the rationale of our decisions, is the sunk-cost one. According to this, employees, involved in a decision-making process, the majority of whom are managers, continue to support past choices, even if they do not seem valid any more and not surpassing them involves more losses than gains. Although most people know that these sunk-cost decisions are not relevant to the present one, they influence their minds and often lead them to making improper decisions. The reason why people seem to not let aside those decisions, is because they are unwilling, consciously or not, to admit to a mistake, as Hammond et al. underline, since that would hurt their self-esteem. People in business environments where the penalties for bad decisions outcomes are high, do not have the motive to terminate any such decision-relevant results, because they are hoping that they will be able in the future to somehow generate gains from them. The most efficacious way to tackle the sunk-cost bias is to consult the views of people who did not take any part in the decision-making process and will likely not have a biased perspective concerning it (1998, pp. 50-52). In order to avoid the possibility of getting tangled into a sunk-cost bias situation, people can engage into the technological strategy of group decision-making, in which the effective sample size of experience used to make a decision is widened, and the particular bias is statistically less likely to occur, if the groups experience and training is diverse, according to Larrick (2004, pp.326-327). Conclusion To sum up the key points of the essay, concerning the first part about rational decision-making, the classical theory, although attractive and relatively simple to comprehend, lacks a great degree of realism and applicability, since it presupposes perfect rationality and flawless computational ability of possible decisions outcomes for all human agents, a fact that leads to utility maximisation. On the other hand, the behavioural decision-making theory has been developed in order to provide an explanation to many empirical findings and data, which illustrate humans as boundedly rational, meaning that instead of optimising, they are looking for a decision alternative that meets some minimal criteria that are set by them. One of the extensions of a behavioural theory are heuristics, which are standardised judgemental operations that deal with situations that demand reasoning and assessment of probabilities. However, traps that lead to systematic syllogisms distortion, a multitudinous c ategory of which, are biases, do exist and are sometimes caused by heuristic processes. They, nonetheless, can be confronted in several ways, the most important of which is awareness of their existence. Because human behaviour and decision-making are interlinked, more chapters in the theorisation of the latter, especially in more specific areas of it, are expected.

Fire Imagery in Charlotte Brontes Jane Eyre Essays -- Charlotte Bront

Fire Imagery in Charlotte Bronte's Jane Eyre Incomplete Works Cited The prevalence of fire imagery and it's multitude of metaphoric uses in Charlotte Bronte's Jane Eyre expresses two things that could not be expressed openly in the Victorian Period, which are mainly passion and sexuality. Brontes writing was dictated by the morals of her society, but her ideas were not. Jane Eyre was written with the Victorian reader in mind. Bronte knew that if she were to write about these two things directly she would have to face possible rejection of her book. A resolution to this dilemma was to awaken the audience in a way that society deemed not only respectable, but also acceptable. So Bronte creates Jane, and Jane becomes the embodiment of these morals. She takes Victorian psychology of passion on as her own. The psychology of passion then becomes the novel's most dominant theme. Throughout Jane Eyre, passion becomes centrally focused on self-control, female sexuality, and its relationship to Bertha's insanity as images of fire. Jane Eyre's images of fire bring to the forefront the contradictions that Victorian women faced in fulfilling their passionate needs and while maintaining self-control. Jane is confronted with the duality of freeing herself from the constraints of society and her fears of releasing the consuming energy of her sexuality. Jane keeps these feelings and passions in stringent check because she does not want to give in to the fires she feels inside, but is always struggling to do so. David Lodge says this eloquently, "the heat emanates from a source of passionate love, not of vengeance, and the possibility of being consumed by it is as seductive as it is terrifying" (128). Jane thus creates fire and uses this ... ...'s eyes. Through the destruction of Bertha, Jane is able to come to terms with her idea of self-consuming passion. Berth's death was the liberating factor for Jane. It was the release of the suppressed passions that were dwelling inside her. The fires that Jane speaks after the reuniting of her and Rochester are of warmth and happiness. Jane says: "Can you tell when there is a good fire?," which is telling of the fact that she feels the fires inside are of a good nature now. The fires that represent the passions of the characters in the novel have great significance in Victorian society. Bronte knew this and added to it social commentary on passion and sexuality in one of the most ingenious books of its time, Jane Eyre. Works Cited: Bronte, Charlotte. Jane Eyre. London, Penguin Books Ltd.: 1996. (Edited with an Introduction and Notes by Michael Mason).

Persuasive Communication Theory

Persuasive Communication Theory in Social Psychology: A Historical Perspective Icek Ajzen University of Massachusetts – Amherst From M. J. Manfredo (Ed) (1992). Influencing Human Behavior: Theory and Applications in Recreation and Tourism (pp 1– 27). Champaign, IL: Sagamore Publishing. Persuasive Communication Theory Page 1 Few subjects in social psychology have attracted as much interest and attention as persuasive communication. One of the first topics to be systematically investigated, persuasion has been the focus of intense research efforts throughout much of social psychology's brief scientific history.Untold experiments have been conducted to unravel the intricate web of factors that appear to play a role in determining the effectiveness of a persuasive message. These attempts have revealed a degree of complexity that seems to defy explanation and that poses serious obstacles to theory construction. However, recent years have seen considerable progress at the the oretical level and a resurgence of empirical work has done much to invigorate the field and provide a better understanding of the fundamental psychological processes underlying persuasion.To appreciate the significance of these developments we must compare the emerging ideas and research findings with those from earlier efforts. The present chapter is designed to provide the required historical perspective. Since it aims to review developments in our understanding of the persuasion process, emphasis is placed on ideas and theories rather than on methodological or practical concerns; empirical research findings are summarized only in broad outline when needed to make a point of theoretical significance.The solution of problems created by recreation and tourism often involves persuasion in one form or another. As the chapters in the second part of this book illustrate, recreationists must be persuaded to observe rules of safety, to avoid conflicts with other visitors, and to keep thei r impact on the environment to a minimum. Although social psychologists have rarely tested their ideas in the context of recreation and tourism, the findings and conclusions discussed below have obvious implications for any attempt to influence beliefs, attitudes, and behavior in this domain.THE NATURE OF PERSUASION Persuasive communication involves the use of verbal messages to influence attitudes and behavior. Although the context of persuasion must necessarily be considered, the verbal message, designed to sway the hearts and minds of the receivers, is at the core of persuasive communication. Through a process of reasoning, the message exerts its influence by force of the arguments it contains. As we shall see below, this emphasis on reasoning sets persuasive communication apart from other social influence strategies.Structure of a Message As a general rule, a message consists of three parts: An advocated position, a set of general arguments in support of the advocated position, and specific factual evidence designed to bolster the general arguments (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1981). The advocated position may be a stand on a particular issue (e. g. , support for a tax increase) or a recommended action (e. g. , donating blood). The general arguments will typically supply reasons for adopting the advocated position, and justification for the arguments is provided in the form of factual evidence.Consider the question of instituting a senior comprehensive examination for undergraduate college students. Petty and Cacioppo (1986, pp. 54-59) published some examples of general arguments and supportive evidence they have used in their research program. Among the major arguments contained in Petty and Cacioppo's messages were the claims that instituting a comprehensive exam raises students' grade point averages and leads to improvement in the quality of undergraduate teaching. The factual evidence in support of the first argument was formulated as follows (pp. 4-55): The N ational Scholarship Achievement Board recently revealed the results of a five-year study conducted on the effectiveness of comprehensive exams at Duke University. The results of the study showed that since the comprehensive exam has been introduced at Duke, the grade point average of undergraduates has increased by 31%. At comparable schools without the exams, grades increased by only 8% over the same period. The prospect of a comprehensive exam clearly seems to be effective in challenging students to work harder and faculty to teach more effectively.It is likely that the benefits observed at Duke University could also Persuasive Communication Theory Page 2 be observed at other universities that adopt the exam policy. If accepted as valid, the factual evidence should result in acceptance of the argument that instituting a senior comprehensive exam will raise grade point averages, and acceptance of the argument in turn should increase the likelihood that receivers will endorse the po sition in favor of instituting a comprehensive exam, as advocated in the message.There is, of course, no assurance that receivers of a message will in fact accept the arguments and evidence it contains. On the contrary, identifying the factors and conditions that produce acceptance of information contained in a message is the major purpose of persuasion theory and research. Alternative Influence Strategies In order to develop a better understanding of the nature of persuasion, it is instructive to contrast persuasion with a few alternative influence strategies. The review offered here is far from exhaustive but it will help highlight some critical aspects of persuasive communication.Coercive Persuasion People can be induced to behave in a prescribed way by offering a sizable reward for compliance or by threatening severe punishment for noncompliance. This strategy of change can be very effective in producing the desired behavior, but its effectiveness is contingent on supervision (F rench and Raven, 1959) and has few lasting effects on beliefs or attitudes. Enduring attitude change by means of coercion is more likely in the context of total institutions, such as prisons, mental hospitals, or prisoner-of-war camps.Situations of this kind enable control over many aspects of an individual's life for an extended period of time. Even here, however, enduring attitude change is difficult to obtain and often fades after release from the institution (see Schein, 1961). Hypnosis and Subliminal Perception Instead of trying to overcome resistance to change by force of coercion, one can attempt to circumvent conscious opposition by means of hypnosis or presentation of subliminal messages. Posthypnotic induction can be used to instruct individuals upon awakening to engage in specified behaviors or to hold new attitudes (e. . , Rosenberg, 1956). There is, however, some question as to whether hypnosis actually represents an altered state of consciousness that can be used to ci rcumvent people's usual resistance to manipulation of their beliefs and actions (cf. Barber, 1965; Wagstaff, 1981). Use of subliminal perception to bring about change is similarly problematic. Its effectiveness depends on the presentation of information at an intensity level too low for conscious perception, yet high enough for it to enter unconscious or subconscious awareness.Clearly, such a fine balance demands careful calibration and, given individual differences in perceptual acuity, may not be achievable in a mass communication context. In any event, even when subliminal perception can be demonstrated, its effects on attitudes and behavior tend to be of rather small magnitude (cf. Erdelyi, 1974). Conditioning and Affect Transfer Another way of trying to avoid resistance to change involves the use of conditioning procedures. It has been argued that attitudes can be changed by means of classical conditioning (e. . , Staats and Staats, 1958) and that behavior can be influenced thr ough the systematic use of reinforcements in an instrumental conditional paradigm (e. g. , Krasner, 1958). Since the advantage of conditioning in comparison to direct persuasion rests on the assumed ability of conditioning to operate without awareness of the influence attempt, the extent to which individuals submitted to conditioning form hypotheses about systematic associations created in the conditioning paradigm is of crucial importance.Contrary to earlier claims, it now appears that there is no convincing evidence that adult human beings can be conditioned without awareness (cf. Brewer, 1974). An idea related to classical conditioning has emerged in the recent marketing literature where it has been proposed (Batra and Ray, 1986; Mitchell and Olson, 1981) that positive or negative affect elicited by one stimulus (the advertising) can transfer automatically to an associated stimulus (the advertised brand). This Persuasive Communication Theory Page 3 ffect transfer, however, is ass umed to occur only when individuals have no other, more informed basis, for evaluating the brand in question (Shimp, 1981). Moreover, given the results of research on conditioning in human beings, it can be assumed that affect transfer, if it occurs at all, occurs only in the presence of awareness of the contingencies involved. Subterfuge obvious heuristic in a persuasion context has to do with the communicator's credibility. The position advocated in a message may be accepted if the message comes from a highly credible source but rejected if the source is perceived to lack credibility.When using this rule of thumb, receivers accept or reject the advocated position or action without considering the merits of the arguments contained in the message. Conclusions Whereas the strategies discussed thus far all in one way or another try to prevent or neutralize awareness of, and thus resistance to, the influence attempt, the strategies considered here subtly manipulate the situation in ord er to promote a psychological state that leads people voluntarily to engage in the desired behavior.The foot-in-the-door technique (Freedman and Fraser, 1966) and other sales ploys are good examples of this approach. When using the footin-the-door technique, a small request SQ acceded to by most individuals SQ is followed by a much larger request. Due presumably to the commitment produced by agreeing to the small request, conformity with the large request tends to increase. An alternative strategy involves first confronting a person with an unreasonably large request and then appearing to compromise by offering compliance with a smaller request.In a highly readable book, Cialdini (1988) describes a number of ways in which subterfuge of this kind can be employed to elicit behaviors that might otherwise not be performed. Subterfuge strategies take advantage of people's various needs to reciprocate any favor received, to be liked by others, to be consistent, and so forth. Compliance is secured without the benefit of discussing the merits or costs of the requested action. Heuristics We have noted that change by means of persuasive communication is based on a careful deliberation of the pros and cons associated with an advocated position or ction. We shall see in subsequent sections, however, that receivers of a message sometimes make judgments about the advocated position without going through an elaborate reasoning process. Instead, they may rely on heuristics or rules of thumb to arrive at a conclusion (cf. Chaiken, 1980, 1987). The most Our discussion shows that social influence can operate in a variety of ways and that various strategies are available to take advantage of the different possibilities. Nevertheless, persuasive communication occupies a unique position in the matrix of social influence.Of all the available strategies it is the only one that appeals to reason, attempting to bring about change and compliance by convincing the individual of the valid ity or legitimacy of the advocated position. This tactic can be much more difficult than, say, coercion, but it also has important advantages. Besides being more compatible with democratic and humanistic values, persuasive communication can produce profound and lasting change, a goal not easily attained by other means. THE PERSUASION CONTEXT No message appears in a vacuum.At a minimum, we can usually identify the source of a message: an editor of a newspaper editorial, a lawyer pleading a client's case before a jury, or a movie star asking for donations to a charity. The communicator's identity, however, is only one of the many factors that constitute the context of persuasive communication. Classical analysis (Lasswell, 1948) has divided communication into several distinct aspects that can be summarized as who says what, how, and to whom. More formally these aspects are known as source, message, channel, and receiver factors; together, they constitute the context of 1 persuasion.So urce Factors Source factors are observed or inferred characteristics of the communicator. They include biological attributes such as age, race, height, and sex; behavioral features such as Persuasive Communication Theory Page 4 facial expressions, mannerisms, hand and body movements, and the way the communicator is dressed; social properties such as income, power, and social status; and personality traits such as self-confidence and extraversion. The most frequently studied source factors, however, are the communicator's credibility and attractiveness.Credibility refers to the perceived expertise and trustworthiness of the communicator. In other words, does the communicator have the knowledge to provide an informed opinion on the issue in question and, if so, can he or she be trusted to present all relevant information in an unbiased fashion? As noted earlier, persuasion is generally assumed to increase with credibility. It has similarly been proposed that the amount of change is in fluenced by the attractiveness or likability of the source, whether attractiveness is defined in terms of physical features or psychological and behavioral characteristics.Receiver Factors On the opposite end of the communication context, parallel to source factors, are characteristics of the receiver or audience to whom the message is addressed. These characteristics include the receivers' personality traits, sex, social status, intelligence, involvement, and so forth. Any attribute of the audience, or combination of attributes, may provide a context that contributes to the effectiveness of the message. Channel Factors The context of the message is also defined by the means used to communicate it.Information can be communicated face-to-face, in writing, or by way of an audio tape or video tape. Note that although it is possible to hold the content of the message (the general arguments and factual evidence) constant across channels, different modes of communication will often vary i n terms of some of the context factors. For instance, the audience obtains more information about physical and behavioral characteristics of the source from face-to-face or video messages than when the information is presented in written or oral form.Thus, it may be difficult in some instances to determine whether differences in persuasion are due to variations in the communication channel or to associated contextual differences that may confound the observed effect. Message Factors Potential confounding of a more serious kind can occur in the case of message factors because variations message features are often accompanied by differences in content. Message factors concern the ways in which information is communicated to the audience.Among the factors that have been considered are the order in which arguments are presented, one- versus twosided presentations, and emotional versus nonemotional appeals (e. g. , humorous messages or messages that arouse fear versus neutral messages). To see why variations in message characteristics are often confounded with differences in message content, consider the case of one- versus two-sided communications. Clearly, to present both sides of an issue, an effective message must contain information and arguments not contained in a message that supports only the advocated position.In a twosided message, the communicator mentions arguments that could be used to support the opposite side and then proceeds to refute those arguments. In addition, of course, the communicator also discusses the arguments in favor of the position advocated in the message. Only this part is the same as or similar to the one-sided message. In the case of emotional versus neutral appeals, problems of confounding occur because humorous or fear-arousing communications generally contain information and arguments specifically designed to generate these emotions.It is thus difficult to separate the effects of fear or humor from the effects due to differences in the information contained in humorous versus nonhumorous messages or in high- versus lowfear messages. Situational Factors The persuasion context contains several situational variables that do not fit easily into the traditional framework of source, message, channel, and receiver factors. Among these situational variables are distraction and forewarning. Distraction can be the result of environmental noise, or it can be internal as when a person is preoccupied with other concerns.Forewarning refers to the availability Persuasive Communication Theory Page 5 of information before exposure to the message, which warns the receiver either that an influence attempt is imminent or that the communicator is planning to advocate a certain position. In either case, forewarning may prepare receivers to rally their defenses against the forthcoming message. The Hovland Tradition Scientific work on persuasive communication began in earnest during World War II in an attempt to determine the eff ects of war-time propaganda (Hovland, Lumsdaine, and Sheffield, 1949).This was followed by a period of intensive experimental research at Yale University in the 1950s under the direction of Carl Hovland (Hovland, Janis, and Kelley, 1953; Sherif and Hovland, 1961). Although it was extremely prolific and highly influential, the program of research initiated by the Hovland group produced very few generalizable conclusions. By the late 1960s, disappointment with this approach had become widespread (see Eagly and Himmelfarb, 1974; Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975). In this section we review the major lines of work in the Hovland tradition and consider some of the reasons for its failure.Theoretical Orientation The empirical work of the Hovland group was guided by a loose theoretical analysis based on learning principles, and by a conceptual framework that incorporated context variables (source, message, channel, and receiver factors), target variables (immediate attitude change, retention, behav ior change), and mediating processes (attention, comprehension, and acceptance) (see McGuire, 1969, 1985). Very briefly, the theoretical analysis assumed that attitude change involves learning a new response to a given stimulus (the attitude object).Exposure to a persuasive message suggests the new response (the advocated position) and provides an opportunity to practice the response. The various contextual factors were assumed to facilitate learning by reinforcing and firmly embedding the new response in the receiver's response hierarchy. Empirical Research The conceptual framework of context, target, and mediating variables served to organize thinking about the persuasion process. However, much of the empirical research in the Hovland tradition dealt primarily with the impact of contextual factors.Thus, in the 1950s and 1960s, hundreds of studies were conducted to examine the effects of source credibility and attractiveness; receiver intelligence, self-esteem, and involvement; fea r appeals and order of presentation; distraction and forewarning; and a multitude of other contextual variables (see McGuire, 1985 for a recent review). Little attention was devoted to the dependent variable that serves as the target of the communication, although persistence of change over time was an early concern (see Cook and Flay, 1978). Of the mediating variables, only attention and comprehension were directly assessed.Thus, many studies contained a recall or recognition test to measure the degree to which the message was â€Å"received† (McGuire, 1968), that is, the degree to which the message was attended to and comprehended. Generally speaking, the purpose of the test was to make sure that reception did not vary across conditions of the experiment, and that whatever effects were observed could not be attributed to differences in reception. In other words, the goal was usually to rid the experiment of the mediating effect of reception, rather than to study reception i n its own right.Note also that the conceptual framework had little to say about the content of persuasive communication and what its role in the persuasion process might be. Message content was treated largely as a given, while the questions addressed had to do with the effects of contextual factors on the amount of change produced by the message in question. We shall see below that this approach to the study of persuasive communication was one of the major reasons for the failure of the Hovland tradition. Effects of source factors.One of the first lines of research initiated by the Hovland group dealt with the effects of communicator credibility (Hovland and Weiss, 1951), and innumerable studies since have manipulated this variable. Of all the contextual factors studied in the Hovland tradition, variations in source credibility have produced the most consistent findings. By and large, communicators high in expertise and trustworthiness tend to be more persuasive than communicators with low standing on these factors. However, even here, somePersuasive Communication Theory Page 6 contradictory evidence has been reported. Source credibility does not always increase the amount of change, and in some situations it can even have a negative effect (cf. McGuire, 1985, p. 263). Other source characteristics are generally found to have no simple or easily predictable effects on persuasion. The communicator's attractiveness, education, intelligence, social status, and so on can serve as cues for inferring expertise and can thus affect persuasion.However, these indirect effects do not appear to be strong enough to produce consistent results across different investigations. Effects of receiver factors. Age, gender, intelligence, self-esteem and other individual differences among receivers are rarely found to have strong effects on persuasion, and the results of different investigations are often inconsistent. Moreover, receiver factors are found to interact in complex ways with each other and with additional factors such as the complexity of the message, the type of arguments used, the credibility of the communicator, and so on.Effects of channel factors. A rather discouraging picture also emerged with respect to the effects of the medium of communication. While visual messages tend to be better liked and attended to than spoken or written messages, recall is sometimes better for written material, and adding pictures to print can be distracting (see McGuire, 1985, p. 283). In light of these contradictory effects, it is hardly surprising that empirical research on channel factors has produced largely inconsistent results.Effects of message factors. Some of the most complex patterns of findings are associated with message factors such as emotional versus nonemotional appeals, message style, and ordering of message content. With respect to the latter, consider for example whether one should state the message's basic position at the outset or at the end. Stating it at the beginning may have the advantage of clarity, making the source appear more trustworthy, and of attracting the attention of receivers sympathetic to the advocated position.It can also have the disadvantage, however, of lowering interest and antagonizing receivers initially opposed to the advocated position (McGuire, 1985). Other message factors can have equally complicated effects. To illustrate, consider the degree to which the message arouses fear or concern. Contrary to expectations, initial research (Janis and Feshbach, 1953) showed a low-fear message to be more effective than a high-fear message in producing compliance with recommended dental practices.Later research, however, has often found the opposite effect, and many investigations have reported no differences between high- and low-fear messages (for reviews, see Boster and Mongeau, 1985 and Higbee, 1969). Similarly inconsistent findings have emerged with respect to the effects of humor in persuasive comm unication (see Markiewicz, 1974). Retrospective In light of largely inconsistent research findings concerning the effects of contextual variables, many investigators became discouraged with the Hovland approach.Thus, after editing a book on attitude change in 1974, Himmelfarb and Eagly reached the following pessimistic conclusions: After several decades of research, there are few simple and direct empirical generalizations that can be made concerning how to change attitudes. In fact, one of the most salient features of recent research is the great number of studies demonstrating that the empirical generalizations of earlier research are not general, but contingent on conditions not originally apparent. (Himmelfarb and Eagly, 1974, p. 94. ) In fact, the complexity of the persuasion process noted by Himmelfarb and Eagly in their reference to contingencies has been a favorite explanation for the failure of the Hovland approach. This explanation holds that persuasion is influenced by so many different factors interacting with each other that only complicated, multidimensional research strategies can cope with the complexities. However, when investigators have studied higher-order interactions, no clear or replicable patterns have emerged.Indeed, there is serious doubt that the search for complicated interactions can ever be a viable strategy (cf. Cronbach, 1975; Nisbett, 1977). The role of the receiver. Besides failing to advance our understanding of the persuasion process, the complexity explanation had the Persuasive Communication Theory Page 7 unfortunate effect of hiding the basic shortcomings of the Hovland tradition and thus delaying the search for alternatives. As is usually the case, realizing where this approach went wrong is much easier in retrospect than it was at the time.Perhaps without meaning to, the Hovland group cast the receiver in a rather passive role whose task was to â€Å"learn† the information and recommended position presented in a message. Attention and comprehension would assure that the information was absorbed, and persuasion would thus follow automatically. This view of the receiver stands in clear contradiction to much that is known about information processing. People are far from passive receivers of information.Instead, they usually act on the information that is available, integrating it (Anderson, 1971), constructing interpretations of their own (Neisser, 1976), and going in many ways beyond the information given (Bruner, 1957). This is just as true in the domain of attitudes as it is in other areas of information processing. For example, research on impression formation has shown that people draw far-ranging inferences about the attributes of another person on the basis of very limited information (Asch, 1946; Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975; Wiggins, 1973).Such inferences are often said to rely on â€Å"implicit theories of personality† (Schneider, 1973) which might suggest, among other things, th at if a person is said to be hostile, he is also likely to be rash, aggressive, and inconsiderate. Several other lines of research demonstrate more directly the potential importance of inference processes in persuasive communication. Thus it has been shown that a persuasive communication designed to produce a change in one belief will also lead to changes in other, related, beliefs (McGuire, 1960a; Wyer and Goldberg, 1970).It is even possible to produce change by merely making people aware of inconsistencies among their beliefs or values (McGuire, 1960b; Rokeach, 1971) in a process McGuire has termed the â€Å"Socratic† effect: After reviewing their beliefs, people tend to change some of them in the direction of increased logical consistency. In short, there is every reason to expect that receivers exposed to a persuasive communication may engage in an active process of deliberation that involves reviewing the information presented, accepting some rguments, rejecting others, and drawing inferences about issues addressed that go beyond what was mentioned in the original message. The image of the passive learner fostered in the Hovland tradition is thus highly misleading, and misses the most important aspect of persuasive communication: the receiver's capacity for reasoning and for being swayed by the merits of a well-presented argument. Persuasion by the Peripheral Route The passive-learner view of the receiver implicit in the Hovland approach quite naturally led to a focus on the persuasion context.If the communicator's task is to make sure that receivers learn and absorb the contents of the message, concern turns to a search for conditions that facilitate attention to the message and comprehension of its arguments, with a concomitant lessening of interest in what the receiver does with the information that is received. Ironically, recent theory and research have established the potential importance of contextual factors, at least under certain wellspec ified conditions. Once we realize what these conditions are, we can begin to understand the reasons for the inconsistent findings of research conducted within the Hovland paradigm.In the previous section we emphasized the active role of the receiver who may engage in an elaborate process of reasoning about the merits of the arguments presented in the message. This view assumes, first, that receivers are in fact sufficiently motivated to exert the required cognitive effort and, second, that they have the ability to carefully process the incoming information. It now appears that contextual factors influence persuasion only when one or both of these conditions are not met (Chaiken, 1980; Petty and Cacioppo, 1981, 1986).Motivation to process the message and elaborate on it is largely a matter of the receiver's involvement. Different aspects of the self may be activated in a given situation, depending largely on the issue addressed, and as a result, different kinds of involvement can be generated. Specifically, the message may create involvement by dealing with receivers' enduring values, with receivers' ability to obtain desirable outcomes or avoid undesirable outcomes, or with the impression receivers make on others Persuasive Communication Theory Page 8 (Johnson and Eagly, 1989).However, when the message has few implications for enduring values, for important outcomes, or for selfpresentation, it produces little motivation to carefully deliberate its contents. Ability to process a message is related to factors internal to the receiver as well as to external factors. Among the internal factors are familiarity with the issues and cognitive ability and intelligence, factors that tend to increase capacity for information processing; and preoccupation with other matters and lack of time, which tend to reduce the ability to elaborate.External factors that increase the ability to process include message repetition and clarity of presentation, while external distraction and use of complicated language can reduce processing ability. Some of the contextual factors studied by the Hovland group can come into play when internal or external factors lower the receiver's ability to process the information presented in the message. Empirical Research When ability and motivation to process the message are low, receivers can use peripheral cues (Petty and Cacioppo, 1986) or cognitive heuristics (Chaiken, 1980) to form their opinions.Chaiken assumed that receivers of a message, even if they are not very greatly involved, nevertheless are motivated to hold a â€Å"correct† view on the issue. Since, under conditions of low motivation and ability, receivers are either incapable or unwilling to deal with the merits of the advocated position, they look for contextual or peripheral cues that might provide a basis for forming an opinion. Perhaps the most powerful such cue is the communicator's credibility, and it may be argued that this is the reason for the relatively consistent findings associated with communicator credibility.The heuristic strategy might in this case involve the following line of reasoning: â€Å"If this expert on the matter says so, it must be right. † This heuristic appears quite reasonable in that it accepts the position advocated by a credible source, even if one has not carefully scrutinized the arguments presented. Receivers can also use the source's attractiveness, or factors related to the message such as the number of arguments it contains, as peripheral cues. Thus, a message coming from a iked source might be viewed as more trustworthy, and one that contains many arguments (even if specious) might be seen as more reliable than a message that contains few arguments. Note, however, that these rules of thumb are far less convincing as a rational basis for accepting or rejecting an advocated position, and it is perhaps for this reason that factors of this kind often fail to have strong or consistent effe cts on persuasion. In any event, relying on heuristics obviates the need for careful message processing, and at the same time provides a basis for adoption of a position on the issue.Recent empirical research tends to support this view of the peripheral route to persuasion, although some complications have recently been noted (Johnson and Eagly, in press). Since excellent reviews are available elsewhere (Chaiken, 1987; Petty and Cacioppo, 1986), we limit our discussion here to an example concerning the effects of source characteristics. Recall that communicator attractiveness was one of the source characteristics studied in the Hovland paradigm that did not have a clear and consistent effect on persuasion.If treated as a peripheral cue used only when processing motivation or ability is low, more consistent findings tend to emerge. Attractiveness of the source has been varied by attributing the message to famous versus unknown individuals (Petty, Cacioppo, and Schumann, 1983) or to a likable versus an unlikable person (Chaiken, 1980). The investigators also manipulated the degree of involvement and found, as expected, that communicator attractiveness has a significantly greater effect on persuasion under low than under high involvement.Conclusions Work on the peripheral route to persuasion suggests that the source, message, channel, and receiver factors studied in the Hovland tradition can indeed influence the effectiveness of a message, but that this is likely to be the case only under conditions of low motivation or low ability to process the message. Such conditions can be obtained in the psychological laboratory that ensures some degree of attention by a captive audience even if the receivers have little interest in the topic or lack the ability to process the information presented (Hovland, 1959).In more naturalistic field settings, receivers who Persuasive Communication Theory Page 9 lack the motivation or ability to process a message can usually leave th e situation, while those who remain and are exposed to the message will tend to be sufficiently involved and able to process the information it contains. Persuasion by the peripheral route is clearly an inappropriate model for many realistic situations, and it is often inapplicable even in the artificial context of the laboratory.REASONING AND PERSUASION Even when it works, there is something distinctly unsatisfactory in the demonstration of change via the peripheral route, because the change brought about does not represent persuasion as we usually think of it. We noted at the beginning that it is the process of reasoning, the evaluation of the merits of arguments in favor and opposed to the advocated position, that is at the heart of persuasive communication. Persuasion involves more than simply oing along with an expressed point of view because of the presence of some peripheral cue; it requires that the advocated position be accepted only after careful scrutiny of the message an d after application of whatever other information the receiver can bring to bear. Moreover, change produced by the peripheral route is generally of little practical significance. Petty and Cacioppo (1986) noted that peripheral attitude change tends to be shortlived, tends to be susceptible to counterpropaganda (McGuire, 1964), and tends to have little effect on actual behavior.Clearly then, from both a theoretical and a practical point of view it would be to our advantage to focus less on the context of persuasion and more on the central processes that occur when a person is exposed to a message. Persuasion by the Central Route In the remainder of this chapter we examine persuasion that occurs when the receiver of a message is sufficiently able and motivated to give at least some scrutiny to the contents of the communication and to evaluate the merits of the arguments it contains.This has been termed the central route to persuasion (Petty and Cacioppo, 1981) and the deliberations re ceivers perform are known as systematic information processing (Chaiken, 1980). Instead of asking what makes a given message more effective, we must now ask how to construct an effective message. That is, what arguments, when systematically processed via the central route, will have the greatest impact on the receiver's attitudes and behavior? Before we can review what is known about this question, however, we must consider the role of the receiver in greater detail. The Elaboration Likelihood Model.The peripheral route to persuasion discussed earlier is one of two tracks a receiver can take in Petty and Cacioppo's (1981, 1986) elaboration likelihood model (ELM). The second track is persuasion via the central route. According to the ELM, central route persuasion depends on and is determined by the degree to which receivers elaborate on the information presented in the message. Briefly, during exposure to a persuasive communication, receivers are assumed to generate arguments of thei r own, either in support of the advocated position (pro arguments) or opposed to it (con arguments).These cognitive responses determine the direction and degree of change in attitudes and behavior. Increased motivation and ability to process the information in the message is, according to the model, associated with an increase in the number of cognitive responses (pro and con arguments) generated. To the extent that the number of arguments generated on the pro side exceeds the number of arguments on the con side, the receiver will change in the advocated direction. When elaboration leads to the production of more con than pro arguments, however, either no change or a â€Å"boomerang effect† (change in the opposite direction) may occur.From the communicator's point of view, therefore, motivation and ability to elaborate on message content is a two-edged sword. If, on balance, the thoughts generated by the receiver favor the advocated position, then the central route to persuas ion works to the communicator's advantage. On the other hand, if the receiver's cognitive responses consist predominantly of counterarguments, then elaboration on message content can be quite detrimental to the communicator's purpose.A number of studies, summarized in Petty and Cacioppo (1986), have examined the role of cognitive responses in the persuasion process. In these studies, cognitive responses are elicited Persuasive Communication Theory Page 10 in a free-response format following exposure to the message. The thoughts listed by the receivers are coded as either in favor or opposed to the advocated position, and the number of responses of each type is determined. Results, by and large, support the idea that the production of cognitive responses increases with motivation and ability to elaborate.Moreover, it is also found that changes in attitudes and behavior are consistent with the pattern of cognitive responses that are generated: a balance of thoughts in favor of the adv ocated position tends to be associated with change in the desired direction. 2 Yielding and Impact. Consideration of cognitive responses generated by receivers in the course of exposure to the message is, however, not sufficient to account for observed changes in attitudes and behavior. For change to occur in the central mode, some of the receiver's fundamental beliefs and values must undergo modification.Elaboration on the message may in fact lead to changes in cognitive structure, but evidence for the production of pro- or counter-arguments does not, in itself, assure that such changes have indeed taken place. Work on the elaboration likelihood model has focused primarily on cognitive responses to the message and has not dealt directly with changes in cognitive structure. The ideas discussed below are based on other recent work concerning persuasive communication via the central route (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975, 1981).According to Fishbein and Ajzen, a message can bring about chang es in a receiver's cognitive structure in one of two ways. First, in a process termed yielding, acceptance of arguments presented in the message can produce changes in corresponding beliefs held by the receiver. Consider, for example, a pregnant smoker who initially is not aware that cigarette smoking can adversely affect the health of her unborn baby. This woman is now exposed to a message containing an argument and supportive evidence that establish the link between smoking and adverse health effects on the fetus.To the extent that the argument is accepted, it produces yielding in the sense that the woman's cognitive structure now contains a new belief that corresponds directly to the argument in question. That is, she now believes, as stated in the message, that smoking may have ill effects on her unborn baby. Changes in a receiver's primary beliefs, however, can extend far beyond the information directly contained in the message. Such changes that go beyond the information given are termed impact effects.To illustrate, the pregnant woman exposed to the message that smoking can have detrimental health effects on her fetus may infer that she would feel guilty if she did not stop smoking and that her doctor would want her to quit, even though neither argument was explicit in the message. It is also possible, however, for her to draw inferences that would work against the aims of the communicator. For example, the woman may unexpectedly form the belief that quitting would be even worse than continued smoking because it would result in overeating.These impact effects can, of course, play a major role in the woman's decision to quit or not to quit smoking. Evidence for the importance of considering yielding as well as impact effects can be found in a study on drinking reported in Ajzen and Fishbein (1980, pp. 218-242). Persuasive Argumentation The challenge facing a communicator trying to produce change via the central route is to create a message that will orig inate favorable responses, produce yielding to its arguments, and generate impact effects in accordance with the advocated change.Arguments contained in a message can be considered effective to the extent that they influence the receiver's cognitive structure. The essential question, therefore, is what makes an argument effective. In light of the fact that rhetoricians have written about argumentation for over 2,000 years, it is surprising how little empirical knowledge is available about the relative effectiveness of different types of arguments (McGuire, 1985). An analysis of this problem reveals at least three important aspects of an argument's effectiveness: novelty, strength, and relevance.Below we discuss each of these aspects in turn. Argument Novelty Persuasive Communication Theory Page 11 An argument contained in a message may well be accepted (i. e. , believed to be true), but if the receiver already held the belief in question before exposure to the message, no change in belief structure would result (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1981). To be effective therefore, an argument contained in a message must not be part of the receiver's initial belief system. Some empirical evidence for this proposition can be found in research on group decision making (Vinokur and Burnstein, 1974).In the course of group discussions, members who offer novel arguments in support of a given decision alternative are found to be more influential than members who raise points that are well known to the rest of the group. Argument Strength Besides being novel, an argument must also be strong if it is to sway the receiver to adopt the advocated position. A strong argument is one that tends to produce agreement (positive thoughts) and does not encourage generation of many counterarguments (Petty and Cacioppo, 1986). Although it is not clear what makes a strong argument, its strength or weakness can be empirically established.Earlier in this chapter we gave an illustrative example of a pe rsuasive argument taken from Petty and Cacioppo's (1986) research program. The argument asserted that instituting a senior comprehensive examination would raise grade point averages (see p. xx). This argument and the associated evidence make a strong case for the advocated position. Compare this to the following argument, also designed to generate support for a comprehensive exam. The National Scholarship Achievement Board recently revealed the results of a study they conducted on the effectiveness of comprehensive exams at Duke University.One major finding was that student anxiety had increased by 31%. At comparable schools without the exam, anxiety increased by only 8%. The Board reasoned that anxiety over the exams, or fear of failure, would motivate students to study more in their courses while they were taking them. It is likely that this increase in anxiety observed at Duke University would also be observed and be of benefit at other universities that adopt the exam policy (Pe tty and Cacioppo, 1986, p. 57). Although this argument is quite similar in structure to the strong argument presented earlier, it appears to present a much weaker case.In fact, this argument is typically found to generate many counterarguments. Clearly, in order to create an effective message, it is in the communicator's interest to select strong arguments and avoid including arguments that tend to elicit negative thoughts about the advocated position. Argument Relevance Related to the question of an argument's strength is its relevance to the advocated position. An argument may be strong in the sense that it generates few counterarguments and many pro arguments, but if it addresses an issue that is not directly relevant to the advocated position, it may fail to produce the desired effect.This point is often not sufficiently appreciated. Suppose a communicator would like to convince students to attend an anti-apartheid demonstration in Washington, D. C. , and thus exposes the studen ts to a persuasive message against apartheid in South Africa. Although the arguments contained in the message may be strong in the sense that they are believable and generate few counterarguments, the message may not be very effective as a means of inducing students to go to Washington.To make the message more relevant in terms of this goal, one would have to include strong arguments that deal more directly with the advantages of attending the planned demonstration. A relevant argument, then, is one that changes those primary beliefs of the receiver that are directly related to the target of the influence attempt, that is, to the attitude or behavior the communicator wishes to affect. Different target variables are based on different primary beliefs, and an effective message must be tailored to fit the target in question.General discussions of different target variables and their respective foundations of primary beliefs can be found in Fishbein and Ajzen (1975, 1981) and in Fishbei n and Manfredo (Chapter xx, this volume). It is beyond the scope of this chapter to provide an in-depth review. Briefly, Fishbein and Ajzen distinguish Persuasive Communication Theory Page 12 among beliefs, attitudes, intentions, and behaviors as possible targets of a persuasive communication. To effect a change in any one of these target variables, the message arguments must be directed at the primary beliefs that provide the basis for the target in question.The first step in the construction of a message, therefore, requires a decision about the relevant primary beliefs, a process that cannot be left to intuition but must be guided by a model of the target's determinants. Social psychologists have discussed a variety of approaches to understanding beliefs and attitudes and their relations to behavior, but perhaps the most popular models can be found within the framework of the theory of reasoned action (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975; Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980) and its recent extension, the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1985, 1988).The discussion below considers each target variable in turn; however, a full understanding of the process is gained only by considering the relations among the different variables. Changing behavior. According to the theory of reasoned action, many behaviors of interest to social psychologists are under volitional control and, hence, are in an immediate sense determined by the intention to perform the behavior in question. A successful persuasive communication designed to change a certain behavior must therefore contain arguments that will bring about a change in the antecedent intention. The theory of planned behavior oes beyond the question of intended action, taking into account the possibility that the behavior of interest may not be completely under volitional control. To be successful, the message may have to provide information that will enable the receiver to gain volitional control and overcome potential obstacles to perfor mance of the behavior. A review of evidence in support of these propositions can be found in Ajzen (1988). Changing intentions. The antecedents of behavioral intentions are, according to the theory of reasoned action, the person's attitude toward the behavior and his or her subjective norm.The attitude toward the behavior refers to the evaluation of the behavior as desirable or undesirable, and the subjective norm is the perceived social pressure to perform or not to perform the behavior in question. The theory of planned behavior again adds to this model a consideration of volitional control. When issues of control arise, intentions are influenced not only by attitudes and subjective norms but also by perceived behavioral control (Ajzen and Madden, 1986; Schifter and Ajzen, 1985).A persuasive communication designed to influence intentions (and thus also behavior) can be directed at one or more of the intention's three determinants: attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavio ral control. Changing attitudes. We arrive at the level of primary beliefs as we consider the determinants of a person's attitudes. According to the theory of reasoned action, attitudes are a function of salient beliefs about the attitude object (a person, group, institution, behavior or other event). Each salient belief links the object to an attribute or to an outcome in the case of a behavior.The attitude is determined by the strength of these beliefs and by the evaluations associated with the attributes (Fishbein, 1963; Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980). Beliefs about the attitude object that are salient prior to presentation of the message can be elicited in a free-response format. The message is then constructed such that it will either change some of the existing beliefs, either in their strength or their evaluations, or introduce new beliefs into the belief system. Changing beliefs. To change a specific belief on an issue, the persuasive communication has to address some of the info rmation on which the belief is based.Several probabilistic models that link prior information to a given belief have been proposed and validated (McGuire, 1960b; Wyer and Goldberg, 1970; for a review see Slovic, Fischhoff, and Lichtenstein, 1977). These models suggest that the information introduced by the persuasive communication must be information from which the belief in question can be probabilistically inferred. Conclusions The focus in recent years on the central route to persuasion holds great promise for a better understanding of persuasive communication.This route deals with the essence of the persuasion process, with changes in the fundamental beliefs on which the receivers' attitudes and actions are based. Although much remains to be done, social psychologists have gained considerable insight into some of the cognitive processes that are at work during and Persuasive Communication Theory Page 13 after exposure to a persuasive communication, and into the practical aspects of constructing an effective message. SUMMARY This chapter provided a brief historical perspective on persuasive communication theory in social psychology.No attempt was made to discuss all theoretical developments in detail as this task would require a book in itself. Instead, the focus was on a few dominant lines of theoretical development, from the beginnings of scientific research on persuasion in the 1940s to the present day. The work initiated by Hovland and his associates tended to view the receivers of a persuasive communication as passively learning the information presented and then changing their beliefs and attitudes accordingly. This view led to a concern with contextual factors, and virtual neglect of the contents of the communication and its processing by the receiver.Few generalizable conclusions emerged from the research guided by this approach, and by the late 1960s the failure of the Hovland approach was widely acknowledged. Progress was recorded when attention t urned from contextual or peripheral factors to persuasion via the central route. Contextual factors were found to be important only under conditions of low involvement or low ability to process the message. It was discovered, however, as a general rule, that receivers of a message are far from passive, engaging in an active process of analyzing and elaborating on the information presented.It became clear that the effects of a persuasive communication could not be understood unless careful attention was given to these cognitive processes. Theoretical and empirical developments of the past two decades have enabled us to consider receivers' cognitive responses during exposure to a message, yielding to the arguments contained in the message, and the message's impact on other beliefs not explicitly mentioned. These developments have also resulted in a much closer examination of the contents of persuasive communications, with an eye toward selecting arguments that will have the maximum ef fect on the target of the influence attempt.In this way, the theoretical developments of recent years have important implications for the practitioner who is concerned with constructing effective persuasive communications. Persuasive Communication Theory Page 14 REFERENCES Ajzen, I. 1985. From intentions to actions: A theory of planned behavior. In: J. Kuhl & J. Beckmann, eds. Action-control: From cognition to behavior. Heidelberg: Springer: 11-39. Ajzen, I. 1988. Attitudes, personality, and behavior. Chicago: Dorsey Press. Ajzen, I. , & Fishbein, M. 1980. Understanding attitudes and predicting social behavior. Englewood-Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Ajzen, I. & Madden, T. J. 1986. Prediction of goal-directed behavior: Attitudes, intentions, and perceived behavioral control. 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Culture and the Collective Consciousness: Nelly Richard and Crítica Cultural Essay

French born but Chilean based, Nelly Richard is an influential figure within contemporary Latin American cultural studies, though she has often taken issue with the use of this term to describe her work. A leading proponent of psychoanalytical and feminist understandings of the social, Richard, editor of the Revista de Crà ­tica Cultural between 1990 and 2008, is an innovative thinker responsible for creating a way of approaching cultural analysis which has been dubbed crà ­tica cultural. Her conceptual framework privileges theoretical insights gleaned from structuralism, which in French includes what is commonly referred to in the Anglo academy as post structuralism. Our discussion of her work focuses on her vision of the role of the social sciences in Latin America today. Richard questions the conceptual underpinning of these disciplines and argues for a more thoroughly contextualised understanding of the relationship between knowledge production and power. Richard, Nelly. â€Å"The Social Sciences: Front Lines and Points of Retreat†. In The Insubordination of Signs: Political Change, Cultural Transformation and Poetics of the Crisis. London: Duke University Press, 2004. Beasley-Murray, Jon. â€Å"Reflections in a Neoliberal Store Window: Nelly Richard and the Chilean Avant-garde†. Art Journal 64 (3): 126–129. PDF Pino-Ojeda, Walescka. â€Å"Critica cultural y marginalidad: Una lectura al trabajo de Nelly Richard†. Revista de Crà ­tica Literaria Latinoamericana, Aà ±o 25, No. 49 (1999), pp. 249-263. PDF Del Sarto, Ana â€Å"Cultural Critique in Latin America or Latin-American Cultural Studies?† Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies: Travesia, Volume 9, Issue 3, 2000. PDF

Colonialism and Filipino Community Essays

Colonialism and Filipino Community Essays Colonialism and Filipino Community Essay Colonialism and Filipino Community Essay Most college students would consider a culture club as a group of people where all the members are the same race and share the same passion towards their culture. Although those are not the only factors that are taken into account, there are more reasons why people decide to form culture clubs. Many culture clubs might share the same background and a common interest about a culture but each member is diverse in different ways and does many things for their community and other communities as well. There are many speakers who talked about information on career struggles within the Filipino community and also discussed immigration rights. One speaker who spoke about the topic, â€Å"No Such Thing as a Filipino†, really impacted me and stayed in my mind. It was a controversial topic because the speaker portrayed that there is no such thing as a Filipino since the Philippines have so many dialects and are very diverse in their living situations. The speaker also did not believe that the people in Southern and Mid Philippines, Mindanao and Visayas, were considered as Filipinos due to their different ways of living and their backgrounds. During that topic, the speaker brought up the impact of colonialism in the Philippines to the college students. The No such thing as a Filipino lecture brought up an existential dilemma related to all once-colonized peoples. An outsider colonized a country and named that country without the consent of the indigenous people. In a sense, the Philippines are carrying the infamous legacy of colonizers by keeping the name â€Å"Phillip† from a former Spanish King, King Philip II. This undermines the history of indigenous people who were there before the term Filipino ever existed. It raises the question: Who were Filipinos before Spain, and should/can we reclaim that history? Every person has their own point of view on this subject but it is an important topic to be aware of for the Filipino community. Other topics discussed were JFAV and the portrayal of Filipino folk dances by college students at universities, which are not the same as the traditional dances. This event has grown to the point where other communities will join the event and speak to the Filipino community. Anyone can also attend the event; you just need to be a member of a Filipino organization. In his book, The Day the Dancers Stayed: Performing in the Filipino/American, Theodore Gonzalves talks about: My aim is not to demonstrate how the cultural forms are developed in the Philippines and are then inherited and deployed effortlessly in the United States but, instead, to argue that the PCN represents the invention, and occasionally also the misinterpretations, of cultural repertoire. (Gonzalves 19) He may not like the modernized and changed theatrical aspect of the show, but he respects the hard work the students put in. Gonzalves compares the original dances from Philippines to the way the students from PCN portray them to the audience and claims that they are not the â€Å"original work. † He talks about how the music, costumes, and movements are similar but not completely accurate. This is a great way to show other communities our love towards the Filipino culture. PCN has grown to the point where its audience has expanded to include many non-Filipinos. It is also a great way for us to help the Filipino community in the Philippines by raising money. To me PCN is an entire journey and I hope that people who decides to do PCN can learn more than a few 8-counts or a few beat but more importantly the story and history behind every step, every click, and every sound. Many students, Filipino or non-Filipino, join the club for different reasons: to meet friends, to be closer to their culture, or to be involved. Through their experiences students will learn many things about the culture by educating themselves through lectures, workshops, music and dance, and the numerous events the club hosts throughout the year. In Yen Le Espiritu’s book, Filipino American Lives, a shy man named Dario Villa decided to join his Filipino Club at his school and stated â€Å"I became more open and accepting† (Espiritu 173). That is what Katipunan did for me. It has opened my eyes and made me accept my culture from a different perspective. It made me be a part of a group that shows my past history and why is it important to keep that history alive for years to come.

Barnes Noble Nook Essays

Barnes Noble Nook Essays Barnes Noble Nook Essay Barnes Noble Nook Essay Marketing Strategy Strategic Situation Summary: Market Target(s) Description: Barnes Noble Nook 1. Market Segments Identified- Middle-Upper Class, educated, moderate- high income, heavy internet user 2. Primary Market- Business travelers Percent More Likely Than Average U. S. Adult to†¦. Have accessed the Internet outside the home via WiFi or wireless connection (in last 30 days): 199% Have household income of $100,000 or more annually: 87% Have accessed the Internet with a cell phone or other mobile device (in last 30 days): 154% Be a Heavy Internet User: 116% Have a Bachelor’s or Post-Graduate Degree: 111% Be between the ages of 35-54: 20% Be male: 16% 3. Secondary Market- Education- High School students, College Undergraduates 4. Market Characteristics a. Geographic- Suburban – travel to cities for work or school b. Demographic- The following is a survey conducted for Nook Owners’ age distribution from 111 Nook owners 7. 21% Nook Owners between 10 and 19   8 out of 111. 21. 62% Nook owners between 20-29 – 24  out of 111. 17. 11% of Nook owners between 30-39 – 19  out of 111. 22. 52% of Nook owners are between 40-49 – 25 out of 111. 18. 1% of Nook owners are between  50-59 – 20  out of 111. 11. 71% of Nook owners are between 60-69 – 13  out of 111. Just 1 nook owner between 70-79. Just 1 nook owner between 80-89. c. Psychographic- Personality: Values: Primary Motivation: Ideals: Self-expression: Resources: d. Behavioral- User-status: Usage-rate: Purchase-occasion: Benefits sought: Objectives for the Market Target(s): Marketing Program Positioning Strategy: A. Product Strategy a. New Products b. Product Improvements: Incremental I nnovation NOOKstudy i. It will allow the student instant downloads for academic ebooks. It will allow students to search for keywords in lecture notes, syllabuses and more. ii. Its a desktop app that will work on Macs and PCs. When installed, it provides students with access to a wide library of textbooks for less than standard books. iii. Furthermore, the app will enable students to highlight and take notes that are searchable and customizable, and provide students access to all of their materials – eTextbooks, lecture notes, syllabi, slides, images, and other course-related documents – all in one place. Their digital library will be able to go from home, to the library, and to the classroom. B. Distribution Strategy C. Price Strategy: a. Of the 181 million US consumers who are online, 14%, or 25 million consumers, say that eReaders priced at $199 or higher - the current price range for eReaders - are expensive, but they’d still consider them for purchase at that price point. What this means: The maximum addressable market for eReaders as they are currently priced is substantial, but to reach the largest market possible, the prices will need to come down. Still, they have phenomenal social and economic impact as they catalyze a new behavior of digital reading across multiple devices. We’re just at the beginning of this revolution. [pic] D. Promotion Strategy a. Advertising i. Banner ads inside books. The average U. S. adult reads four books a year; with a population of 250 million you get 1 billion books digested annually. At 200 pages per book, thats 200 billion potential ad impressions if just one ad was placed at the bottom of each page. Now, charge a $20 CPM for such premium placement and you have just unlocked a $4 billion advertising market. This concept can extend to college textbooks with coupons for partners, such as Starbucks Coffee. ii. Readers give advertisers more consumer attention because readers cannot easily surf away to other websites. Advertisers would win higher response rates because the ads are much more noticeable and could be contextually targeted to content and the users personal information disclosed by their book purchases. b. Publicity c. Internet d. Personal Selling e. Sales Promotion i. Visit any Barnes Noble store and show y our NOOK or mobile device to one of our booksellers, and receive a voucher for the FREE eBook. The voucher will require recipients to enter an online code to receive the free eBook. This will create more movement to the website and to promote other product offerings. E. Marketing Research F. Coordination with Other Business Functions [pic] Mediamark says there are approximately 2. 1 million US adults who own eReaders. Available this week, the new Nook WiFi device is priced at just US$149. The price on the existing Nook 3G, meanwhile, was slashed from $259 to $199, making it the first under-$200 dedicated e-reader with both free 3G wireless and WiFi, according to the company. Barnes Noble now offers all Nook users complimentary access to ATTs (NYSE: T) entire nationwide WiFi network. Its eBookstore now boasts more than one million e-books, periodicals and other digital content, the company said. Under-$200 is always a new product categorys sweet spot, and BN is probably selling the Nook at a slim margin or even a loss in order to gain market share and brand share in the digital book distribution world. Price, meanwhile, is a very important factor in that competition particularly the sub-$200 price point, which is psychologically very important for consumer adoption, she asserted. Any time you deflate the margin on a product by merely adjusting price, it has consequences to the bottom line, he explained. Another option to just dropping price would have been to add a coupon for up to $50 worth of content; this would have fulfilled the urge to drop price however would have kept topline revenue flat. Style: The Nook has a color menu, whereas the entire Kindle display is focused on black and white, he explained. The Nook is lighter. The Nook is now cheaper and the Nook is a little more aesthetically appealing. Potential Target Markets Specifically, individuals interested in a very focused reading experience are one; the education market is another, she pointed out. If device manufacturers and educational and professional publishers are successful at getting that constituency, we think e-readers will be able to hold their own against media tablets, Kevorkian said noting, however, that while theres great potential, it has yet to be realized. A total of 7. 6 million media tablets, including the iPad, will ship worldwide in 2010, growing to 46. 7 million units in 2014, IDC has forecast. The e-reader category, on the other hand including both connected e-readers and USB-enabled ones will ship 6. million worldwide this year, the company predicted, increasing to just over 9 million in 2012 before declining to 7. 9 million in 2014, Kevorkian noted. NOOK for Android-based smartphones and device s. The new application offers those with devices using Android OS 1. 6 and higher the ability to shop Barnes Nobles expansive eBookstore of more than one million eBooks The new Android app is also the first eReader software to feature Barnes Nobles new NOOK-centric branding, leveraging the strength of the companys NOOK brand across its entire eReading offering. The new eReader software branding aligns with the companys current NOOK offering NOOK 3G and NOOK Wi-Fi eBook Readers, and the recently announced NOOKstudy online study platform and software solution for higher education. NOOK for Android will soon be followed by an updated NOOK for iPhone, NOOK for iPad, and others in the coming months, the company noted. Barnes Noble is diving deeper into the education market with an expected August release of NOOKstudy which will run on Macs and PCs and not require a NOOK or any other mobile device. NOOKstudy will act as a hub for eTextbook, class notes, syllabi, scanned handouts, and even non-educational eBooks. It will allow students to take notes as well as highlight passages in eTextbooks. Users will also be able to tag items for easy retrieval using common terms like: for the final exam. It will provide full searches of anything, in the eTextbooks or your notes, and link into Google or Dictionary. com to look up terms. Multiple eTextbooks can be opened at the same time, or two pages from ifferent sources can be simultaneously displayed. The program is currently being piloted at Penn State, University of Nevada, Queensborough Community College, and the Rochester Institute of Technology. Barnes Noble’s ability to market the Nook through its bricks-and-mortar stores, along with the comparative newness of the device, were keys to that competitive edge. Under the terms of the Best Buy agreement, the Nook’s e-reader software will come pre-loaded on a number of PCs and smartphones sold through the retailer. Both Barnes Noble and Amazon have focused on porting e-reader applications onto a number of devices, including ostensible rival iPad, in a bid to increase the potential audience for their proprietary e-books. Barnes Noble announced a software update for its Nook e-reader, including a Web browser and Android-based games, on April 23. Another feature, â€Å"Read In Store,† allows Nook users to browse the retailer’s e-books for free at any Barnes Noble bookstore, with the entirety of each book accessible for an hour. NOOK Wi-Fi eBook Reader marries innovative technology and sleek minimalist design with Wi-Fi connectivity. This latest addition to the NOOK family gives customers the opportunity to take advantage of the proliferation of both in-home and public Wi-Fi hotspots, where they can browse the Web and shop the Barnes Noble eBookstore of more than one million eBooks, periodicals and other digital content. With its latest software update for all NOOK devices (now available at www. nook. com/update), Barnes Noble is offering all NOOK customers complimentary access to ATTs entire nationwide Wi-Fi network, including Barnes Noble bookstores which have previously been available to NOOK customers. As part of the NOOK eBook Reader family, NOOK Wi-Fi features Barnes Noble’s breakthrough LendMe technology, enabling customers to share eBooks with friends for up to 14 days. NOOK Wi-Fi also offers the same great in-store features like Read In Store to browse complete eBooks in Barnes Noble stores at no cost, and More In Store, offering free, exclusive content and special promotions. http://floridaresearchgroup. wordpress. com/2010/02/16/demographics-of-kindle-a